“The three sword patterns of 1796 all played important roles in Napoleonic history: one distinguished, one solid, and one unimpressive.”
By John Danielski
“TROOPER DAWKINS of the 11th [Hussars] raised himself in his stirrups and let fall upon the Frenchman’s head such a blow, that brass and skull parted before it, and the man’s head was clove asunder to the chin. The cut was later found to be as clean as if the sword had passed through a turnip.”
DAWKINS’ SABRE SLASH at Waterloo, which was immortalized in this passage from an 1826 memoir by a Sergeant Major Edward Cotton, was typical of those that gave the 1796 Light Cavalry Sabre its fearsome reputation. In fact, because of its lethality, the weapon would be widely copied and continue to be produced under different names until the 20th century.
And the 1796 light cavalry pattern was just one of a trio of British swords to debut that year. Each would cut its own distinct swath through Napoleonic history.
There was also the Pattern 1796 Heavy Cavalry Sword. It performed well enough to become a stalwart of the era, but would be replaced in 1822. And finally, there was the Pattern 1796 Infantry Officer’s Sword. It displayed serious combat shortcomings and substitutes appeared almost immediately after it was first issued.
1796 Light Cavalry Sabre
John Le Marchant, the designed the 1796 Light Cavalry Sabre, was a rarity: a dashing cavalryman and a gifted leader, but also a keen observer with a mind for science. He died at the Battle of Salamanca in 1812, leading one of the most successful cavalry charges in British history.
While still a subaltern, the Jerseyman had penned a paper on the drawbacks of the 1788 Light Cavalry Sabre. Though its variants had served the British tolerably well for many years, its straight blade and narrow point ensured that it was not particularly good at either slashing or thrusting. Le Marchant was much taken with the curved blades of Hungarian and Turkish swords.
As a major fighting in the Flanders Campaigns of 1793 to 95, he had an opportunity to observe the 1788 Pattern’s defects in combat. In fact, Le Marchant so was impressed with the battle prowess of the Austrian Cavalry Sword Pattern 1768 he set out to incorporate the lessons learned from it in a new sword that would make British cavalry as effective as it was brave.
Working in cooperation with Henry Osborn of Birmingham, cutler to King George, he produced his alternative in 1796. It weighed just over two pounds and was 37 inches in length with a 33-inch blade that curved 2.2 inches from the straight. Its point of balance was seven inches from the bottom of the hilt and the average width of the blade was 1.38 inches.
Unlike other European cavalry sabres, it was wider at its tip than its base. This increased width allied to its hatchet tip multiplied its power by focusing the entire strength of a man’s arm on the final six inches of the blade; giving it more slicing force than Continental blades of similar size.
It featured a P-shaped iron guard and had two iron ears on the back strap to give an unshakeable bond between blade and hilt. The guard allowed easy access of the hand as well as reducing weight; even small troopers could use it effectively.
The sabre soon acquired a deadly reputation among the French. Captain Pacquin of the 20th Chasseurs a Cheval of the Imperial Guard witnessed it remove arms with single blows and a trooper of the King’s German Legion in the Peninsula saw it, “rip a Frenchman’s jaw open so that it hung upon his chest, making his gullet visible.” He also noted that a single blow “sliced off the entire skull of a Frenchman just above the eyes.”
Although it did not thrust as well as it slashed, its tip could still be lethal. At Waterloo, two blows from Sergeant John Taylor glanced off a French cuirassier’s helmet, causing the Frenchman to open his mouth wide as he laughed in derision. His laugh was cut short as the hussar thrust the tip of his blade under his tongue and out the back of his head.
Le Marchant also wrote Rules and Regulations for the Sword Exercise of the Cavalry to accompany issuance of his sword. He distilled many complicated evolutions into six basic cuts and eight parries. His work became the first standard manual for British cavalry and was widely consulted by members of other services.
His weapon’s ruthless elegance and easy maneuverability was appreciated by the Prussians, Belgians, and Dutch who replicated it under several names: the Prussian “Blucher 1811” being the best known. Probably 75 per cent of the Anglo-Allied and Prussian cavalry at Waterloo were armed with its variants. American dragoons used a close copy in the War of 1812 and Indian cavalry in the British Raj made their own in the 1860s. Several units of the German army were armed with it at the start of World War One.
1796 Heavy Cavalry Sword
Unlike its lighter cousin, the 1796 Heavy Cavalry Sword was seen as a less refined weapon that was respected for its sturdiness, but not loved because it defied attempts at delicate swordsmanship. It required a larger man to wield it effectively than the Light Cavalry Sabre. Yet it was used by seven British cavalry brigades at Waterloo. In fact, its brutal effectiveness was proven by the charge of the Union and Household brigades that saved the Allied right. Captain Clarke-Kennedy and Sergeant Ewart both wielded one when they captured their French Imperial Eagles at Waterloo. Large numbers were exported to British allies.
The ’96 Heavy was 40 inches in length, reinforced along the back of its 35-inch blade, and weighed 2.5 pounds. Its tip originally had a hatchet edge that hindered its thrusting ability but that was soon changed at the regimental level to one resembling a spear point. The tear shaped steel guard pierced with eight holes was reinforced as was its stirrup knuckle bow; both were stronger than those found on other cavalry swords of the time.
Best known as Richard Sharpe’s sword from its use by Bernard Cornwell’s fictional character in prose and film, the weapon would have been an unusual choice for a 95th Rifles officer since it was heavy and awkward when not employed on horseback. It is however, physically imposing to the camera and its blunt appearance perfectly symbolizes Sharpe’s combative, no nonsense nature. The real-life Sharpe would more likely have chosen the 1803 Infantry Officer’s sword that was lighter, nearly as strong, and more agile.
The Heavy Cavalry Sword was a direct copy of the 1769 Austrian Dragoon Pallasch. Le Marchant recommended it after hidebound senior officers refused to issue his sabre to heavy cavalry because it lacked a straight blade.
Officer’s versions of both the light and heavy cavalry sabres were usually lighter, more finely balanced, and had blued blades with detailed etchings.
Though it compiled a solid combat record, no tears were shed when The ’96 Heavy was replaced in 1822 by a weapon with a longer blade and half basket hilt guard.
Infantry Officer’s Sword
Unlike the other sword patterns of 1796, the 37-inch Infantry Officer’s Sword was never loved, seldom respected, and often cursed by its wielders. Nevertheless, it saw considerable combat use though its showy, elegant appearance made it far better suited to parties and parades.
General Mercer of the Royal Artillery said of it: “Nothing could be more useless or ridiculous than the old infantry regulation [sword]; it was good for neither cut nor thrust and was a perfect encumbrance. In the Foot Artillery, when away from headquarters, we generally wore dirks instead of it.”
The 96 Officer’s narrow and weak 31-inch spadroon blade was a poor compromise between a small gentleman’s weapon and a broadsword: it performed indifferently in both roles. Its brass guard gave little protection of the hand: half of it was designed to fold so that it fit neatly against a uniform but that convenience reduced its strength.
Like Mercer, officers recognized its defects and many sought replacements. One style quickly became popular though it was not officially recognized until 1803. The 1803 Infantry Officer’s sword had a wider blade that was the same length, but it was slightly curved and double edged for its last seven inches. The guard with a crown escutcheon was not only showy, but gave good protection to the hand and made a useful knuckle duster. It was light, maneuverable, well balanced, and just as good at cutting as it was at slashing.
The Infantry Pattern 1796 survived the Napoleonic Wars, but there was much rejoicing when its replacement arrived in 1822.
The three sword patterns of 1796 all played important roles in Napoleonic history: one distinguished, one solid, and one unimpressive.
Reasonably accurate working replicas of all three can be purchased for a few hundred dollars though they are somewhat heavier than their forebears because of better modern steel. Originals can be found on eBay for prices ranging from a few hundred U.S. dollars for one in need of rehab to several thousand for one in a nearly pristine state. The showiest of the three and the least effective typically attracts the most frenzied bidding. With swords as with war, beauty and combat go ill together.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR: John Danielski is the author of the Tom Pennywhistle series of novels about a Royal Marine officer in the Napoleonic Wars. Book five of the series, Bellerophon’s Champion: Pennywhistle at Trafalgar is due from Penmore Press in May. For more, visit: www.tompennywhistle.com or check him out on Amazon.
The increased weight of modern replicas has nothing to do with modern steel, but rather the thickness and distal taper are inaccurate to the original swords.